by Gary Corseri
Blessed are the peacemakers: for they shall be called the children of God.
â from âThe Sermon on the Mountâ
[Interviewerâs Note: A man who has published more than 150 books and 1500 articles on peace and related issues; the founder of TRANSCEND: A Peace, Development and Environment Network; a man who has worked as a mediator with the U.N. and with various nations in conflict around the world, should need no little introduction⌠but I will recommend previewing the bio-data at Wikipedia and then beginning to sort through Johan Galtungâs omnibus of articles, plays, books.  Briefly, extracted from Wikipedia, etc.: Born in Oslo, Norway in 1930, Galtung first served as a professor at the University of Oslo, and subsequently at various universities around the world.
He is known for his contributions to sociology, political science, economics, history, anthropology and theology.â He has developed several influential theories, such as the distinction between positive and negative peace, structural violence, theories on conflict and conflict resolution, the concept of peace-building.â Frequently nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize [which he should have received long ago!], he was awarded the international âRight Livelihood Awardâ in 1987.âG.C.]
Gary Corseri: Iâm here in the Washington, D.C. area, with Johan Galtung â master teacher, and originator, since 1959, of âPeace Studiesâ programs at universities around the world.
Johan, sensei. When my wife and I met your wife and you, informally, for lunch a week ago, we discussed doing an interview. And you sent me some ideas about your current interests including the crisis in Ukraine, which seemed of paramount concern to you just now.  So, weâll start with Ukraine today, but, knowing you a little, being a little familiar with the treasure trove of your work, Iâm certain that our talk will ramify and develop its own courseâŚ. But, first: Why do you want to talk about Ukraine?
Johan Galtung: Iâm working on it! Â Iâve been in Skype contact with the partiesâthe enemies! And there are many! Â Itâs a complex crisis. Moreover, both Russia and the United States are involved. Â Theyâre both former super-powers, and there is in Ukraine the possibility of another major war which might soon become a nuclear war. Â Also, I focus on Ukraine now because it is closer to the area where I used to live â in Spain â and, because the dangers seem to be more imminent.
GC: Yes, I learned just last night, scanning the news: this is the 3-year anniversary of the Maidan protests. Â So, itâs topical.
And, of course, for the purpose of this interview, Iâd be remiss if I did not get your reaction to the US presidential election. And the results figure into Ukraine because Donald Trump made a big issue of working with Putin. Â Do you believe him? Do you believe that possibility?
JG: I think there is a big difference in the campaigner Donald Trump, with his horrible remarks, and all his prejudices, and the President-Electâwho announces himself as the President for all Americans! While we are focusing on Ukraine, I was particularly interested in a statement made by a member of the Trump team about the 200-year relationship between Russia and the United States: the point was made that Russia supported what became the United States, against the French and the English empires.  And that was Tsar Alexander I! So, from the beginning of the American War of Independence in Concord, up to the end of it in 1812âŚ.
GC: Excuse me, youâre conflating the â what we call the âAmerican Revolutionâ â with the âWar of 1812â?
JG: Yes. It was all part of a âlong stretchâ of history. Â Iâll note here that to the British, the âRedcoats,â your âWar of Independenceâ was a terrorist war! Â And the terrorists won!
GC: Right! Â I donât think most Americans would frame it that way, but I think itâs important to reflect on that.
JG: Now, that first century of cooperation with Russia continued up until 1917âthe Bolshevik Revolution. Â And the 2nd century has been very far from the first. Now, in the Putin-Trump working model, there is a clear intent to turn back the clock to the earlier kind of cooperation.
It helps to have a long time-perspective! Â This is the first time in my life that I have heard of a President-Elect, or a President, having an historical perspective! Â I didnât find it in Clinton, or the Bushes, or in Reagan. I didnât find it in general. Â Not even in F.D.R.! Â That means that Trump is breaking a tabooâthe anti-intellectualism of the U.S.; because in order to have a perspective of 2 centuries, he needs a little help from some intellectuals who have that knowledge! Â On the other hand, Putin doesnât have that problem. Â He is surrounded by intellectuals, and can confer with them as much as he wants. Â So, I expect these two men to cooperate. Â And they have announced that the first area of cooperation will beânot Ukraine, but Syria.
GC: As difficult as Syria is, as thorny and horrible, it may be easier to deal with than Ukraine?
JG: Well, they are both very complicated, but Syria is the more immediate concern now. Â And, you see, Putin has an 8-point plan for Ukraine. It is known all over the world. Â They can work with that. Â Itâs based on âFederationâ; that is, if you have a State with 2 nations that hate each other, you can keep the State, but make it a federation! (Russia, itself, is a federation of something like 190 ânationsâ!) Â Putin says, if you donât like the word, âfederation,â call it âdecentralizationâ! I expect Trump and Putin to cooperate about Ukraine on that basis.
GC: For me, Putinâs plan seems to incorporate a lot of Galtungâs thinking: Find mutual interest. Something I gained from reading about youâbasic info on Google, and articles that can be downloaded, and, of course, your weekly columns at the TMS (Transcend Media Service site) â the idea of the âbuffer state.â  My wife, also reading about you [in Japanese] told me about your work with Peru and Ecuador: they had this border clash, this crisis, and you came along and said, Letâs make this neutral territory, turn part of it into an international park, administered by both countries, share in the profits from resources carefully (in terms of the environmental impact) extracted⌠and all can profit from it.  And, I believe it was a Peruvian leader who said: It will take 9 years to work this out, and â
JG: It was an Ecuadorian who said it would take 30 years to get used to the idea, and then 30 years to implement it! Â But, we reached an Agreement after just 3 years, and began to implement it 3 years later!
GC: And now itâs a peaceful border. So, we can be somewhat optimistic about Putin and Trump working together, embracing new kinds of ideas, creating mutual benefits.
JG: I must say that Iâm more optimistic about Mr. Putin than about Mr. Trump. Â Some of his bad, old habits â from the campaign of Trump â mainly, to be angry and react thoughtlessly to any kind of criticism â seem to have surfaced again. Â I hope he will be wisely advised.
Now, let us return to Ukraine. There is, in fact, no country in the world for which the ânameâ of the country expresses the nature of its problems! Â For example, if you say, âDeutschland,â you mean the land of the Germans. Â âNorwayâ means âthe way to the north!â Â But, âUkraineâ in Russian means, âAt the border!â
[Here, JG pronounces the name in Russian.]
So, imagine: for centuries Catholic Europe is pushing Eastward; one country after another falls to the Crusaders, or the invaders, but that all ends âat the border,â at Ukraine. Â From 395, with the break-up of the Roman Empire, Ukraine is mostly Greek Orthodox! Â And, it has been divided all these centuries, invaded repeatedly by the West.
GC: And, thatâs true now! Â An article by John J. Mearsheimer [âWhy the Ukraine Crisis Is the Westâs Fault,â Foreign Affairs, 2014] describes the work of the N.E.D. [National Endownment for Democracy], spending some $5 billion between 1991 and 2013, funding âmore than 60 projects aimed at promoting civil society in Ukraine.â Â Of course, âcivil societyâ is just another misnomer or euphemism for Western values! Â When Russian leaders look at the chaos of the US-supported and largely-funded âOrange Revolution,â they do not see âcivil societyâ so much as âsocial engineering.â Â And that is âengineeringâ aimed at Russia itself! Â Itâs the spreading of surface âWestern valuesâ âthe memes and myths, but not the realities of exploitation and militarism; extremes of wealth, power and poverty.
JG:  So, what to do?  We have a ânationâ divided by religion, and languageâŚ.
GC: And, ethnicitiesâŚ.
JG: Basically, you have 2-nations-in-one. Â So, how can you elect a president from one of those ânationsâ and not expect conflict?
GC: And the answer is?
JG: Well, they could learn from the Swiss! Â Switzerland is basically 4-nations-in one. Â Their âpresidencyâ rotates among their different ethnic and language groups. Â The Presidentâs Cabinet represents the different groups within the State: there are 3 German-speaking members; 2 French; 1 Italian; 1 Romansh.
GC: Romansh?
JG: They call it that. Â Itâs a special Swiss groupânot connected with the nation of Romania. The point is, the Ukrainians could do something similar in a federation of their own.
GC: A rotating presidency and proportional representation in the Cabinet. Â And both ânationsâ are recognized within the federation. One ânationâ is not trying to force its language on the other!
JG: The language issue is extremely importantâ
GC: To be âeducatedâ in Europe is to be at least bi-lingual.  For me, the rebellion of the Russophone part of Ukraine is quite understandable.  Resentments have been brewing for generations. Weâre in a nascent stage of such conflicts in the USâŚwith our growing Hispanic populations, especially in California and Florida. And the Anglophones and the Spanish speakers donât know how to encounter each other; and both groups resent any sense of âspecial treatment,â or âfavoritismâ or impositions from a distant central government. You have written about the importance of language in fostering âcultural violence.â
JG: Itâs one of the key factors.  You see, for âmediation,â you have to listen to all the partiesâŚwithout criticism.  And you ask, âWhat does Ukraineâor any other Stateâlook like if your goals, your ideals are realized?â  And then people explain their visions, they look forward.
GC: And you have written about âsychrony.â Â Itâs kind of âEasternâ time periods interactingâ future, past, present. Â As opposed to âdiachrony.â Â Thatâs what we have now! Â Weâre diachronous, situated in a particular space-time. Â But, youâre saying, imagine and visualize the future. Â And, interact with that idea of it.
JG: Yes, but not a long âcausal flow.â Â Gandhi spoke about the âunity of means and ends.â We cannot do terrible things to achieve wonderful results! Â And we canât project way into the future, hoping that âexpedient,â but immoral, measures now will turn out fine then!
GC: âUnity of means and ends.â  I wrote that one down, from your paper on âCultural Violence.â [Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 27, No. 3 (August,1990)].  Gandhi was speaking about 2 things: the âunity of lifeâ and the âunity of means and ends.â  And you wrote: âNo life⌠particularly no human life, can be used as a means to an end.  If the end  is livelihood, then the means has to be life-enhancing.  But how do we understand âunityâ?  A reasonable interpretation⌠would be in terms of closeness, against separation.  All forms of life, particularly human life, should enjoy closeness and not be kept apart by steep Self-Other gradients that drive wedges in social space.â
JG: You must listen to all parties without criticism. Â After they have expressed their ideals, you ask if their ideas are legitimate. Â You ask about their âhistorical perspective.â Â Then, you are probing âdeep culture,â deep understanding.
GC: Aldous Huxley quoted Blake about âcleansing the doors of perception.â
JG: If âcontractsâ have been made between parties, one party cannot just âwalk out.â Â We must be very clear about that.
GC: Thatâs the importance of âhistorical perspective,â seeing how compromises, resolutions were made in the past. Â Thatâs the importance of language, tooâbeing sure the other party is understanding us in their language, not just ours!
JG: And all the time working towards a more inclusive future. Bridging legitimate goals will take creativity! Â So, Gary, you quoted Gandhi on unity. Gandhi was a genius. Â Another genius of the 20th Century was Einstein. Â Do you know what Einstein said about âunityâ?
GC (shrugging): All I can think of is E=MC2.
JG (smiling): Einstein spoke about the âunity of space-time.â Â I am trying to understand different kinds of unity; and encourage others to think in terms of greater unity!
GC: Youâve taught me a lot in this short interview. Â I hope this little introduction to your work will encourage othrs to dig deeper, to understand more. Â So, one last question: Â How do we apply your thinking of the past half century and moreâI think our readers will not mind my wishing you a happy 86th birthday!âhow can we work towards a more peaceful world? Â Can we have hope?
JG: To be so âalienatedâ within oneâs society or nation or world, as to feel âhopelessââthat is to suffer a terrible kind of cultural violence!
GC: Realism and hope. Can that be a âunity,â too?
JG: Iâll let you answer that. But, imagine this.  [He points to a mercator-projection map on his office wall] Letâs say, our modern world can be divided into 8 great regions: Thereâs the Anglo-American world, including, Canada; thereâs Latin America; Africa; the Muslim world; the E.U., or the European region; Russiaâwhich is really a ânation of nations,â a federation; East Asia; South Asia.  Since the end of the Second World War, we have tried to unite the world in the United Nations!  What do we have there?  Something like 200 bickering nation-states.  They compete to be heard in that forum. Then there is a Security Council, awarding the privilege of the veto to a fraction of the numerous statesâŚ.
People are working towards new kinds of unions, new unities. Â The SCO, for example [the Shanghai Cooperation Organization], with Russia, China and India working towards greater cooperation; and Iran is an associate member. Â We hear much about the New Silk Road, a high-speed rail system that China is developing, crossing from the port cities of China to ports on the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. Â There is also the âNew Silk Lane,â which we hear less aboutâChina and other nations in Africa and across south Asia, uniting in trade along the old sea lanes, with a fleet of better, faster ships.
So, yes, there are terrible dangers to confront, cataclysmic challenges to overcome. But, imagine now, that the regions could unite, and that the people of the regions had representative democracy, and they chose a regional leader. Then, the 8 regional leaders sit around a kind of Arthurian Round Table. Â All are equal there. Â And they try to understand each other. Â They describe their visions of their ideal world together, develop their historical perspectives together. Â They report to their citizens about what they have done and what they have learned.
GC: We have to change the machinery, the mechanismsâpolitical, economic, socialâthat have governed our world since the end of WWII.
JG: And longer than that! Do you think we might make progress then? Â Might we have greater understanding then? Â A world at peace?
GC: How do we develop such a vision? If we could teach the children to think in new ways! Shouldnât a âdemocraticâ society enjoy the âautonomyâ of peace?
JG: Certainly, there would be differences; but we would dialogue about our differences. Â We would recognize our âcontractsâ with each other to work towards peace, to develop âcloseness,â recognize and work against what I have described as âdirect violence, structural violence and cultural violence.â Â That has been my lifeâs work: to develop modalities to understand how the three kinds of violence destroy us, how they interact, and how we can re-create ourselves. Can we strive for anything less?
GC: ââTâis a consummation devoutly to be wishedâŚ.â
JG: Hamlet, isnât it?
GC: Yes. Â And I think of some lines from Tennyson, too, which I memorized long ago:
Ring out the old, ring in the newâŚ.
Ring out the false, ring in the true.
Ring in redress to all mankindâŚ.
Ring out a slowly dying causeâŚ.
Ring in the nobler modes of lifeâŚ.
Ring out the thousand wars of old,
Ring in the thousand years of peaceâŚ.
The larger heart, the kindlier handâŚ.
Gary Corseri has posted and published articles, fiction, poetry and dramas at Common Dreams, CounterPunch, Dissident Voice, The New York Times, Village Voice and hundreds of other venues internationally. His dramas have appeared on Atlanta-PBS and elsewhere.He has performed his work at the Carter Presidential Library.
His books include the novels, A Fine Excess: An Australian Odyssey and Holy Grail, Holy Grail: Quest East, Quest West
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